The historical crisis of major Western parties have almost always ended with the advent of a new generation of thirties and forties. It 'happened to Labour in English and English socialists, like their opponents, then to the American Democrats, today happens to the German Social Democrats and Swedish. All parties that are named so for over a century. The Italian center-left, after every defeat, has changed its logo and symbols, preserving the language and nomenklatura. D'Alema and Veltroni fighting for twenty years and four parties (Communist Party, PDS, DS and Pd), Ezio Mauro wrote. This fiction has become intolerable gattopardesca electorate that demands the replacement of the management team in the polls and primaries. Sometimes without even knowing the new ones, only for exclusion. We went in search of young Democrats and we have discovered, for starters, that they exist. It is true that there is nothing behind the oligarchy. In the North, Central and South meet women and men of twenty, thirty or forty years, leaders of political passion, with their stories, professions and ideas. From tomorrow could take the place of the old without too much regret them. And perhaps nothing. Better or worse than Veltroni and D'Alema and Rutelli Parisi, Bersani, Letta, Bindi and Marine? Judge people. Of course, different. The most curious of the future of the past. More like the citizens should vote for them. It is not just a matter of age, rather than culture and language. While the old leaders were quarreling over their belongings, has grown a generation for whom the twentieth century have lost their sense categories. Starting with the dominant issue of the last century, communism. That for Italy continues to be an obsession. Ex-and post-communists, dialoguing with former Christian Democrats, struggling with anti-, in turn, often former communists, as if the wall had never fallen into a frenzy of traditionalist resentful revisionism.
These other, young people, are not ex-anything. Votes Olive already voted at eighteen, grew up in a house reformist policy, where it is not difficult to agree on the core values. Catholics and non Catholics, defenders of secularism. Moderates and radicals, convinced that the conflict of interests (of Berlusconi's Pincopallo or governor of a region "red") is a cancer of the national public life. Milan or Sicily, proud Europeans, with experience of working abroad, daily contact with peers who engage in politics in Berlin or Paris, London or Madrid. In a kind of permanent Erasmus via the Internet, where people exchange ideas and information on issues of the here and today, the environment, energy, crisis, new jobs, immigration. Much more than they do with their European holiday in our parliamentary politics in Strasbourg and Brussels, regardless of the European group to which they are registered. They all have lives that can be told over a section of a party, are not the children of managers and officials, policy is regarded as a commitment to term, at least for now. And the experiences of daily life have completed what is perhaps missing in all these years to the leadership of the center. A vision of Italian society in fact an alternative to right-wing Berlusconi. An Italy more open and tolerant, willing to respect and creativity, much more integrated into the rest of Europe, less abnormal and self-sufficient, family and obedient to the bishops. But it also left a less defensive and self-sufficient. It 'a vision of where the nerve is mixed with naivete. But perhaps it is courage and ingenuity that the left needs.
Sons of the Olive, naive and europeiecco the new legion of Democrats. "
In its first year of the Democratic Party did not focus on the most serious economic crisis since the thirties but on the age issue of dialogue with Berlusconi. Dialogue , no dialogue, no matter, as political style. Without even understanding that, given the outcome of the election, Berlusconi did not need dialogue. The feared or hoped (by Veltroni) there was no electoral tie. At best, the Prime Minister Today we need an opposition to help him to swallow the public a number of irreducibly Democratic race laws were unthinkable in the rest of the continent, the final showdown with the judiciary and some burst of low-level appointments to the Rai or public bodies. All operations to which it will in any event, even without the blessing of the opponents. In this brutal distortion of constitutional guarantees, the center has offered in recent years only a resistance is negotiable and unconvinced. Until the surrender of ideological contrast to the patrol left to right, the hunt for the washer against the Democratic League, the bearer of good conflict of interest (Soru) against the bad. In exchange for the grant by some of the sovereign Indian reservation, a small Albertine Statute on union or television, and even more in exchange for survival of the center as a political class. The time of these games from the second republic has now expired. Citizens demand that the policy does not deal with their own survival but, threatened by the crisis.
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